At last, convergence, between what the MIC can’t muster the resources to do, and what the people don’t want to do anyway. We’re done. The Octopus Empire is kaput. It may take awhile to dismantle, but they’re never going to find another “good war,” because the public won’t believe the lies that start them. The idiot “glory days” are over.
Gordan Duff: Years of war have left the U.S. military exhausted and depleted.
While America talks going to war in Europe, those who follow the real condition of America’s military forces, active duty, reserve and veterans, they know it to be nothing but empty talk. Over a dozen years of war has left America’s military manpower exhausted, physically, mentally and “politically.”
Any new war will have to be fought without experienced non-commissioned officers or top special operations professionals. Studies now show that they haven’t simply given up on military service, but that an entire generation of American military is dead, dying or disabled.
Fewer Americans are willing to believe, willing to blindly follow, willing to die for what more and more now clearly see as wars for Wall Street.
Perhaps the most carefully hidden impact on America’s ability to wage war is the epidemic of military/veteran suicides, numbers far more than anyone imagined. Current suicide numbers actually exceed the total combat deaths from both the Vietnam and Korean wars.
Current “Epic Failure”
There is a reason that American troop deployments into Poland and Latvia are so pitiful, despite the fact that nearly all US troops are out of the Middle East. America’s “war games” deployment meant to intimidate Putin’s Russia accentuates a frightening fact few are aware of. America’s trained military “inventory” is nearly totally depleted.
They aren’t just “quit” or retired, in truth, America has had well over 100,000 combat related deaths tied to Desert Storm and the Global War on Terror that it has failed to report. Some, well over 10,000, are from mysterious “Gulf War Syndrome,” reputed to be a “cocktail” of radiation and chemical exposure along with experimental vaccines.
However, the majority are suicides.
David Swanson: Members of both houses of Congress from both parties said they had heard more from their constituents on the missiles-into-Syria proposal than they had heard ever before on anything else, and that what they heard was more one-sided than anything they’d experienced before.
But when Hersh writes and talks about what went on back in August and September, he doesn’t seem to even consider the possibility that public pressure might have played even the slightest role in preventing the missile strikes. Democracy Now! interviewed Hersh and didn’t raise the topic. I don’t mean to pick on Seymour Hersh or Democracy Now! Nobody else has done any different. A friend of mine, a former CIA officer, Ray McGovern, has been doing some great writing about Syria. He, like Hersh, considers the steps taken by the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Congress, the Russians, the President. Nowhere is the public mentioned.
Now, even if the public played no role whatsoever, that fact in itself would be worthy of serious consideration. Members of both houses of Congress from both parties said they had heard more from their constituents on the missiles-into-Syria proposal than they had heard ever before on anything else, and that what they heard was more one-sided than anything they’d experienced before. If the public had no impact, or if Congress had no impact, the scale of the pretense otherwise — and the possible futility of ever lobbying Congress on anything — would make for a remarkable story.
Virtually this entire country was opposed to the missile strikes. Add to that the fact that Congress members were on break and being directly confronted at district townhall meetings, accused of joining a war on the side of al Qaeda, accused of falling for propaganda again. . .
Not everyone’s buying the lies. The lies aren’t working well enough to sell any war, but they are working well enough to keep alive the idea that there might be a good war some day. Ridding ourselves of that idea is a matter of survival at this point. Or in the words of George W. Bush, “Fool me once shame on you, fool me — umm — err — uh — can’t get fooled again.”
Polling for war support is not just low on Ukraine. It’s very similar on U.S. desire for a war with Iran, or for U.S. military involvement in Syria. Many more Americans believe in ghosts and UFOs, according to the polls, than believe that these would be good wars. The U.S. public never got behind the war on Libya, and for years a majority has said that the wars on Iraq and Afghanistan never should have been launched. The search for a good war is beginning to look as futile as the search for the mythical city of El Dorado. And yet that search remains our top public project.
The U.S. military swallows 55.2 percent of federal discretionary spending, according to the National Priorities Project. Televised U.S. sporting events thank members of the military for watching from 175 nations. U.S. aircraft carriers patrol the world’s seas. U.S. drones buzz the skies of nations thousands of miles from our shores.
No other nation spends remotely comparable funds on militarism, and much of what the United States buys has no defensive purpose — unless “defense” is understood as deterrence or preemption or, indeed, aggression. As the world’s number one supplier of weapons to other nations, ours may be said to extend its search for a good war beyond its own affairs as well.